Since the beginning of the New Order, ABRI’s socio-political role has increased. The reason is that before the G30S/PKI, there had been PKI infiltration into almost all organizations in Indonesia. In this infiltration, the PKI not only succeeded in getting its members into every organization, but it was also even able to become members in several of the organizations it joined. Even though there was infiltration within the TNI, the PKI was unable to influence the top leadership of the TNI, except in a few units, such as Yon 530.
When the G30S/PKI was defeated, a purge movement against elements still related to the PKI. As a result, there are many vacancies in government agencies. This emptiness was caused by the PKI’s mental terror movement against many parties so that many people lost their leadership power.
Therefore, at the beginning of the New Order era, vacancies also occurred in organizational leadership and government agencies. The solution used to fill this void was that many ABRI officers were assigned employees in many government agencies and state-owned enterprises. It can be said that ABRI’s work was blown up at that time. It was different from the 1950s when the Indonesian government took over a Dutch company, so President Soekarno asked the Army Chief of Staff Nasution to fill the leadership of the company that was taken over, and that was the first time the TNI was hired.
Even though at that time the number of people employed was relatively limited and only in the field of business. But after the G30S/PKI, the TNI created almost all aspects of the existing organization. It should also be noted that the implementation of ABRI’s socio-political functions is relatively rare and usually only occurs when there is an important event for the state and nation, for example, during the first and second Dutch military aggressions and other matters related to defense and security.
Because previously, the socio-political function in ABRI’s dual function was a role given through its leadership in the form of providing opinions and suggestions to the government on issues and suggestions on issues that were generally political, different in 1966 when ABRI also entered government organizations and agencies. The presence of ABRI employees is solely for the purpose of leadership and management, not as experts or experts in the field of work. Because the principle of assigning ABRI employees was based on the organization’s request concerned, in 1966, there were quite a few requests.
The benefit of this policy is the holding of economic rehabilitation. National development carried out since April 1, 1969, has resulted in progress for the nation. This progress can be seen in the ability of civilians to run the organizations where they work. In addition, there has also been progressing in many state positions, such as ministers and ambassadors. Therefore, gradually the role of ABRI has begun to diminish.
In the 1970s, there was a change in attitude among students, who initially supported ABRI and together to “fight” the PKI; even during the New Order era, they were against ABRI. According to this book, changes in student attitudes are influenced by psychological factors, namely that students must always play an important role in the development of the nation. The psychological condition that urges students to play a prominent role which is realized in the form of radical actions, is also triggered by competition between universities.
Because of this, since the 1970s, there has been strong student criticism of ABRI’s attitude. This criticism began to emerge when there were elements of ABRI who did not show a good attitude. There were even actions by ABRI members that harmed the public interest (the people). For this reason, it is necessary to reduce ABRI’s involvement in employment. However, those who criticize ABRI’s work often do not realize that to replace the role of ABRI employees, and there must be adequate leadership from the civilian side. The conclusion is that the key lies in the personal development of civilians and the experiences between ABRI and civilians.
The leaders of ABRI from the 1945 generation have said that there are steps to implement the socio-political functions of ABRI that are adapted to the development of Indonesia because the dual role of ABRI means that ABRI and its members have a sense of responsibility for the achievement of a just and prosperous society, not a society dominated by the military.
One of the effects of the separation of students from ABRI was the inadequate understanding of the students themselves and intellectuals about the dual functions of ABRI. Meanwhile, from the ABRI side, at least there is a more thorough effort so that the implementation of ABRI’s socio-political functions is truly dedicated to the achievement of a just and prosperous society based on Pancasila.
DEALING WITH 9 STRATEGIC PROBLEMS
During an independent country, the Indonesian people have faced various strategic problems that endanger their survival. Abri always has an important role in dealing with and overcoming these strategic problems.
1. CONFRONTATION WITH MALAYSIA
The confrontation began in 1963 and occurred for several reasons, specifically:
First, the confrontation occurred because Indonesia was suspicious of the British intention to change the alliance of Tanah Melayu into the State of Malaysia, which included Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak, and North Kalimantan. The second reason was the pressure from the PKI, which was supported by Beijing and Moscow, to fight against the Malaysian concept. Previously, there were efforts to form a union between Indonesia, the Philippines, and Malaya (Maphilindo). At that time, the TNI fully supported the formation of Maphilindo as an effort to unite the Malay family.
However, because of President Soekarno’s efforts to form a new force or the New Emerging Forces with GANEFO (the Games of the New Emerging Forces), which wanted to compete with the Olympic Games as a world sports meeting and CONEFO (the Conferences of the New Emerging Forces) which was formed to replace the role of the United Nations. This formation was initiated due to President Soekarno’s disapproval of the concept of Malaysia, which he said was British colonialism in Southeast Asia. When it came to forming a new force, the TNI had begun to disagree because it was feared it would drain Indonesia’s economy and finances, which were still far from adequate.
Moreover, with the heating up of relations between President Soekarno and Prime Minister Tengku Abdul Rachman, the formation of this union failed. Although from the Philippines, President Macapagal had tried to reunite the two leaders, including holding talks in Tokyo, all of them had failed. With the feud between Indonesia and Malaysia, the relationship between the two countries was damaged and led to the severance of relations between the two countries.
On September 21, 1963, Indonesia severed trade relations with Malaysia and Singapore, while Malaysia severed all with Indonesia and the Philippines. Both strengthened their border areas with military force; Malaysia itself was assisted by the British.
Then because of this, a defense agreement was formed between Britain, Australia, New Zealand, Malaysia, and Singapore, namely the Five Power Defense Arrangement (FPAD), which until 1995 was still in existence and functioning. Even though ASEAN was established in 1967 and the confrontation between Indonesia and Malaysia has been ended since 1966. Actually, the problem with the confrontation against Malaysia itself is the resistance against Britain, which was assisted by the United States because it shows an attitude of resistance to the formation of Maphilindo.
2. THE CONCEPT OF NATIONAL RESILIENCE
In 1974 a concept called National Resilience was formed by the National Defense Institute, whose name was later changed to the National Resilience Institute. This concept was taken as an effort to seek the best for the Indonesian nation. This concept needs to be created and developed for the following reasons:
- It was facing various problems in the form of obstacles and disturbances for the struggle of the Indonesian nation to achieve its goals, and threats to the survival of the nation and state which includes society and its people as a whole.
- National development focuses on the domestic industrial economic sector so that the economic progress of small and traditional entrepreneurs is not destroyed by modernization.
The definition of National Resilience is a dynamic condition of a nation consisting of toughness and tenacity and the ability to develop national strength in the face of all kinds and forms of threats, challenges, obstacles, and disturbances, both coming from within and outside, directly or indirectly that threatens and endangers the integrity, identity, survival of the nation and state and the achievement of its national goals.
The point in National Resilience is the necessity of a nation’s dynamic condition that contains tenacity and toughness that produces national strength. The emphasis of this concept is not only fictional power or mental strength, but the overall power covers various aspects. The basic principle of National Resilience consists of two aspects, namely welfare and security. The creation of harmony between welfare and national security. It is a high level of National Resilience in a nation and state.
The notion of tenacity and toughness and the dynamic condition of the nation must always be a concern to create National Resilience. Tenacity implies physical and spiritual tenacity, while toughness contains stability, ability, and intelligence. From there, it should bring the nation’s dynamic condition because only a sufficiently dynamic government can give birth to sufficient national strength to face and overcome various threats, challenges, obstacles, and current disturbances.
3. EAST TIMOR PROBLEMS
The problems that occurred in East Timor were due to the power struggle between the parties formed in East Timor, namely between Fretilin, Apodeti, and UDT. Indonesia’s action against East Timor began when there was an approach between the Portuguese government and the Indonesian government to resolve the problems in East Timor. The Republic of Indonesia involved itself with East Timor because of the principle to fight all forms of colonialism that exist on earth.
Portugal’s colonization of East Timor was the reason for Indonesia’s involvement so that the occupation that was happening nearby would end soon. But something went wrong when Indonesia used a military attack that had a devastating effect on Indonesia itself. This was caused by the unresolved problems that occurred in East Timor and resulted in continuous conflict.
In the operations carried out by the Indonesian side, there were various mistakes when using the force of the armed forces when it was aimed at ending the East Timor problem. The TNI has faced the problem of East Timor with the wrong approach. The first is the wrong strategic approach when the instructions for Operation Intelligence are implemented with an Open Conventional Offensive, a spectacular Inter-Force Joint Operation but fail to achieve the operation’s objectives fully.
Second, when facing the guerrilla resistance of Fretilin and its supporters, instead of carrying out counter-insurgency operations in a comprehensive and systematic manner, the emphasis was placed on the implementation of Conventional Operations, which of course, was an approach that was difficult to achieve maximum results.
4. GIVING DECENTRALIZATION TO REGIONS
The next strategic problem faced by Indonesia is the provision of decentralization to regions that have not been realized due to several obstacles, one of which is the existence of centralization after independence. In 1950 the centralization of government was getting stronger with a guided democracy system in the administration of government.
At first, decentralization to the regions will experience difficulties because some say that decentralization can lead to widespread abuse of authority and corruption. It is not impossible for those who reject decentralization that there will be a sense of regionalism that is too strong, causing a separatist movement in their area. But on the other hand, those who agree with decentralization consider that the provision of this program in each region can be a way to reduce and eliminate the abuse of authority. The decisive thing in the decentralization arrangement itself is the distribution of finance between the center and the regions. We can take an example, namely in the People’s Republic of China, which dared to give broad authority to its territories. It was able to stimulate progress in the southern and interior regions to develop.
Therefore, if the Indonesian government succeeds in decentralizing properly, it will reduce the pressure currently being intensively exerted on the Pancasila ideology in the United States, which requires the embedding of a system of liberalism-individualism in Indonesia. In addition, the founding fathers of the nation have stated that the Republic of Indonesia is a unitary state but still grants broad autonomy to its regions so that Government State can realize security and prosperity for all Indonesian people in the future.
5. CHINESE PROBLEMS
In facing this problem, racial attitudes and ways of thinking should not be allowed because it is not a matter of race, politics or culture. But when racial, cultural, and political issues arise, it is only an end to economic problems. This is due to the social gap between local natives and people of Chinese descent who experience different levels of welfare. Moreover, suppose you look at the citizens of Chinese descent. In that case, they show such strong economic power that with only about 5 million in Indonesia, they can dominate the national economy.
This economic strength is shown because of several factors, one of which is the relationship between relatives and relatives and the helpful nature of the Chinese people scattered in Southeast Asia to Hong Kong. This is what gives rise to the power of business through a network system that is extremely effective in the field of trade. Because there is this network system, companies of Chinese descent are not too dependent on the banking system in Indonesia because this is what should be the trigger for the spirit of the indigenous people of Indonesia to have high national competitiveness in the economy and especially investment.
There is an immediate need to develop large and quality small and medium enterprises in Indonesia so as to create a large, resilient, and resilient layer of small and medium entrepreneurs. The result of this will be to strengthen the indigenous economic power and at the same time strengthen the national economy. So what the Indonesian government needs is to strengthen the condition of the indigenous people in the ability to work and improve the quality of government bureaucracy so that it does its job with full national competitiveness.
6. 10 DIFFERENCES OF OPINION IN ABRI
Since its founding in 1945, ABRI has never been free from different opinions. This can be seen because ABRI or TNI was founded based on the people’s revival, and from the beginning, it was not only an organization of the armed forces as in other countries. Because the TNI was founded based on the people’s revival, the TNI developed various opinions in society. However, due to the existence of the same and one goal of struggle, the unity and integrity of the TNI can be maintained.
In Indonesia, the TNI holds a fairly important position in the life of the nation, so it is not uncommon for organizations outside the TNI and especially political organizations to always try to influence the TNI to take sides with the organization, for example, the G30S/PKI incident, the DI/TII Rebellion and PRRI/Permesta. For this reason, unity and integrity must always be the concern of the ABRI leadership. Because differences of opinion within the TNI or ABRI significantly impact the TNI and ABRI themselves, it is necessary to identify these differences as lessons and experiences so that they do not happen again.
7. DIFFERENCE BETWEEN EX-MAP AND EX-KNIL
The first important difference experienced by the TNI was the difference of opinion between former Peta and former KNIL officers. The main reason for this difference is the relatively young age difference of the majority of the two categories of officers between the former Peta and the former KNIL. Young age is accompanied by ambition to hold power, giving strong emotions. Because most former Peta, who are platoon commanders, are still around 25 years old. Likewise, most former KNIL is also not more than 30 years old.
There is even a feeling of dissatisfaction when a former Peta is placed under a former KNIL, and this happens because, at a young age, someone has strong ambitions, especially in military organizations, the power factor is very influential. In this dissatisfaction, emotion is often spoken. The former Peta said that the former KNIL lacked enthusiasm and nationalism and only knew theory. This was proven when the KNIL soldiers quickly fell to the Japanese army. On the other hand, former KNIL officers often said that Peta officers only had enthusiasm without sufficient knowledge to lead the army.
Here it is clear that the opinions of both parties are based only on subjective matters. Because all parties, the former Peta and the former KNIL, were inexperienced in carrying out a war of wide scope.
The conflict had quite a detrimental impact on various suspicions and prejudices between individuals and TNI units. However, this conflict only disappeared after the TNI-AD began in 1952 to seriously and systematically carry out an officer education system. In this education, a person proves his skills, whether he is a former Peta, former KNIL or other former.
Then after education, he proves how proficient he is in the field or on the staff. So that an officer is judged according to his skills and there is no longer a conflict between the former Peta and the former KNIL.
8. ANIMOSITY BETWEEN TNI
Within ABRI, there was enthusiasm and even conflict between certain units. This could pose a threat to Abri and the safety of the state and nation. In addition to the conflict between units within the TNI-AD body, there is also animosity between one force and another. This is inseparable from political influence. The main reason for conflict or competition is that it cannot be separated from the desire to be judged as to who is the most important in our country so that it gets high ratings from the public and gets more budget from the state. The first to feel strong was Brimob.
Brimob gets more complete weapons facilities than the TNI-AD because Brimob is under the prime minister. However, what was truly serious was the inter-generational enthusiasm that occurred between 1960 and 1966 due to President Soekarno’s politics which the PKI influenced. President Soekarno was pitted against the TNI-AD because, at that time, the TNI-AD was an obstacle for the PKI to reach the pinnacle of power in Indonesia. Therefore Sukarno immediately decided to assign all forces or departments. All of this was under the leadership of the supreme commander of ABRI, namely the President of the Republic of Indonesia. That was the PKI’s way of preparing for its rebellion in 1965.
In 1945 Indonesia seemed to have four armed forces. Because the body of each force has elements, land combat, sea combat, and air combat, each force has these elements, including the Police. The four political parties, especially the PKI, were pitted against each other. The competition or conflict, or conflict between these forces could only be reduced and overcome after the integration of ABRI was carried out in 1969. The operational control command was in the hands of ABRI. The status of the ministry or department is abolished, and the designation of the force leader is no longer commander but rather the chief of staff of the force.
The weakness of ABRI integration is the presence of Polri within ABRI. The Police have become less functional as they function. This is due to the politics of 1960-1965. The Police should be able to separate themselves from ABRI. However, the Police must be guaranteed to have authority in the community. The Police can do that if they are supported in terms of material and personnel, but all of that is not yet in the Police.
9. THE TRAGEDY OF OCTOBER 17 1952
The 17 October incident was an event that took place within the TNI-AD. This was caused by the impact of the conflict between the former Peta and the former KNIL and the role of political parties that interfered too much in ABRI. There were politicians who before 1950 joined the Dutch and in 1950 managed to enter the DPR and criticized the TNI-AD because as an outlet for their dislike of the TNI-AD, they succeeded in turning the United States of Indonesia into the Republic of Indonesia.
Within the TNI-AD, there are several officers in high positions who, apart from being dissatisfied with the development of the TNI-AD, are also dissatisfied with the position they have obtained. This dissatisfaction resulted in conflict within the TNI-AD officers’ camp, especially in the Java region. The DPR is aware of the contradictions that occur within the TNI-AD because in the DPR members there are young members who have joined the Netherlands, and they are not happy with the success of the TNI-AD in inviting the public to leave the existence of the RIS state, so this is an opportunity for the DPR to criticize it outright. And revenge. The AP and the TNI-AD did not accept this. As a result, the TNI-AD decided to appear before President Sukarno to dissolve the DPR and take over the country’s leadership. This is where the TNI AD leadership made a big mistake. President Sukarno refused the request. The TNI-AD began to receive blows and attacks from various parties, and the TNI-AD cracked. The TNI-AD split extended to the entire officer corps, including outside Java.
Gradually it was concluded that there had to be a resolution to the split. So a meeting was held in Yogyakarta in 1955, which officers attended to conduct reconciliation between all disputing parties. Reconciliation can be achieved accompanied by the promise of all present and said in front of the grave of the Great Commander Sudirman. Although formal reconciliation has been completed, in reality, it has not fully recovered, which will later become the cause of further rifts when Colonel Nasution, who has actually become a civilian politician as the leader of the IPKI party, is re-appointed by the leadership as KSAD in the rank of brigadier general. This caused discontent among officers outside Java and led to the PRRI/permesta rebellion. Colonel Sudirman only approved the appointment.
The appointment was carried out again, namely carrying Colonel Bambang Utoyo. This appointment faced a strong challenge from most TNI AD officers because they were considered not to respect the results of the meeting held in Yogyakarta.
The occurrence of the 17 October incident could not be separated from the activities and influence of political parties. Young TNI officers can still be influenced by politicians to become easy targets for victory.
TRAGEDY INTERNAL THE TNI-AU AND TNI-AL
The presence of non-aviator leaders entering the TNI-AU makes the pilot officers dissatisfied. Indeed, no air force had a non-aviation leader in the 1950s. So the pilots made various statements of dissatisfaction with the KSU leadership. Several flight officers resigned. They are generally pilots educated in India. The KMU Suyono movement, which sided with the KSAU, had violated the rules when writing a letter to the DPR. Suyono and his friends were expelled from the Indonesian Air Force in the next process. On the site, it was seen that both the 17 October incident and the 1953 Air Force incident were the result of the actions of political parties.
This is the lesson to be drawn from the one mentioned earlier. Political parties are trying to spread and widen and strengthen their position through the power of ABRI. Usually, political parties take advantage of several factors that live within ABRI officers. Another factor is the personal ambition of officers. Usually, young officers want to occupy high positions quickly.
In the TNI-AL, there were also problems between the KSAL, Admiral Subiyakto and his senior officers in 1959. There was a movement led by Lt. Col. Yos Sudarso and Lt. Col. Alisadikin that demanded the replacement of the KSAL. The officers said that the KSAL was too authoritarian and did not give its officers the opportunity to develop their initiatives. In this case, there was no political influence that might influence this event.
However, at the beginning of 1965, there were events that occurred in the TNI-AL which were influenced by political parties. The PKI could influence young officers to take action against the TNI-AL leadership. The TNI-AL leadership has the high discipline and has no feelings of oppression. The ignorance of the young officers and the machinations of the PKI against both parties ended up losing many young officers. Only certain factors are influenced by political parties.
THE INFLUENCE OF THE COLD WAR
Since 1948 the world has been engulfed by the cold war between the Western bloc and the communist bloc, even though they were allies in the second world war against Germany, Italy, and Japan. The main problem lies in ideology. The Soviet Union wanted to make mankind accept communism as a way of life. Meanwhile, the western bloc led by America wants to make humanity use Western understanding. From that point of view, it can be said that the Western bloc is a status quo forces, while the Communist bloc is a reforming force.
The power of renewal carried out by the communists, which at that time humans used western understanding, was very difficult to do. Many human beings cannot accept the reforms carried out by the communists because they think they are far from justice. Because communist reform is only an improvement for people who agree with communists. Therefore, in a nation that does not want to follow the understanding of the communists, the renewal of the communists is far from being expected.
It was called the cold war because between the western bloc and the communist bloc, there was a high-level confrontation in all aspects of life, and it didn’t end with the war using weapons. Indonesia does not choose from the two opposing camps, but the two camps want Indonesia to side with one of the two camps. The struggle between the two camps affected ABRI. It was seen in 1948 when the communists tried to seize power over the Republic of Indonesia and used the ceasefire as the main means. There was a conflict between ABRI, who sided with the Communists and those who sided with the Republic of Indonesia. It’s just that at that time, the majority who sided with the communists were ABRI. Conflict arose again in the mid-1950s. However, the West played a role that resulted in the PRRI/permesta rebellion. The US influenced ABRI officers outside Java, especially through an intelligence agency called the CIA, that Jakarta was already under communist control. Officers outside Java were quite familiar with their counterparts in Java. They knew officers in Java who were under the influence of the communists.
The G30S/PKI rebellion in 1965, on the other hand, demonstrated the success of the communists in influencing ABRI officers to support their efforts. However, the officers and members of ABRI, especially the TNI-AD, who are still guided by Pancasila, are still strong enough and able to overcome the rebellion. Even though the uprising got half the blessing of President Sukarno. But God’s will is still stronger. Within 6 months, the uprising can be stopped and overcome.
During the cold war between the two blocs, there was still influence on Indonesia because ABRI had a strong influence in the course of politics in Indonesia. So it makes sense that ABRI still gets effect from the two conflicting blocks. After completing the G30S/PKI rebellion, ABRI was already safe from the influence of disputes between the two blocs. By no longer feeling the danger of division within ABRI. However, there are still people who want to play against the Armed Forces. Within ABRI, which is already in the hands of the younger generation, there are sharp disagreements. But it could have been prevented before the split after Suharto took the right steps to deal with this problem. The conflict may be due to a large country that has certain interests in Indonesia.
This shows that even though the cold war is gone, the danger of outside influence on ABRI still exists, especially if other countries have a big interest in the political and economic changes of the Indonesian state.
DEBATE OF OPINION RAISED BY OPSUS (SPECIAL FORCES)
When Indonesia held a confrontation with Malaysia in the Kostrad organization in the form of an intelligence organization called a case operation, in short opsus. The activity was led by Ali Murtopo, whose structural position as deputy assistant to Kostrad intelligence.
After the confrontation with Malaysia ended when Indonesia entered the New Order, Opsus activities continued and instead formed within the intelligence environment outside the existing intelligence organizations. Suharto used the Opsus activities for special activities outside the TNI-AD. Mustopo’s agility makes Opsus more members. These people were from ABRI and the civilian and private sectors. People are attracted to opsus for various reasons, one of which is because they want to make progress and get security guarantees.
In the confrontation with Malaysia, there was no difference of opinion between Opsus and the TNI-AD. However, there was a rift in that power during the New Order era. Because of the split because Ali Murtopo, an ambitious man, did not hesitate to use his organization for self-interest, sometimes he also ignored Suharto’s will, which led to differences of opinion between the TNI-AD and Opsus.
His status as an assistant to Pak Harto Ali Murtopo made it easier for him to engage in political affairs than TNI-AD officers. It was not uncommon for Ali Murtopo to run it differently from TNI-AD officers in his activities.
Ali and Sudjono formed the official body for research and development, namely CSIS (Centre for Strategic and International Studies. In CSIS, a gathering of intelligent people, especially from non-indigenous and religious minorities. This activity is used to get closer to other countries. The goal is to get closer to non-indigenous entrepreneurs with foreigners so that non-indigenous entrepreneurs automatically donate to CSIS because they feel it has been made easier. CSIS can be made the main think-tank for the government because it has a strong influence on all policies carried out by the government in the economic, political and security fields.
The conflict between the Opsus group and General Sumitro, the commander of the Military Security Command, exploded in the malaria incident on February 15, 1974. At that time, there was a massive demonstration accompanied by destruction by young people and students when Japanese Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka came to Indonesia. This demonstration voiced his distaste for the Japanese company. The malaria incident was a hard blow for Opsus and CSIS, which nurtured Japanese and non-indigenous entrepreneurs because the Indonesian state’s negative impact was quite large.
After the Malari incident, Opsus and CSIS’s influence and power grew. With General Sumitro from his position, all officials within the ABRI and especially the TNI-AD who were considered close to him were removed from their positions. Opsus gained dominance from intelligence in Indonesia. Alimurtopo’s gait has skyrocketed and cannot be matched by generals, not from the Special Ops. In terms of politics, Ali Murtopo was appointed as Minister of Information. Likewise with Beny Murdani, who was appointed to be a higher intelligence. He later became the intelligence commander. With Beni Murdani, the Armed Forces Commander, it was clear that the Opsus and CSIS groups had strong winds. It was clear that ABRI and the TNI-AD were different from the TNI-AD in the 1945 generation.
However, it seems that there has been a change in President Suharto’s level of trust since 1988. Perhaps the difference in Pak Harto’s attitude towards Alimurtopo in 1982 was caused by political problems. As a result, the relationship with Beny became loose. CSIS’s finances have grown, and its international relations remain strong, so there is no indication yet that Opsus and its challenges have come to an end. ABRI and TNI-AD can develop again by ABRI’s tradition of being close to the community.
The case of Opsus is unique because, in its conflict with the general line of leadership of the TNI-AD, Opsus is not influenced by political parties. The political goals being fought for come from the Opsus leadership itself and not from outside sources.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Military History, ringkasan buku “KEPEMIMPINAN ABRI DALAM SEJARAH DAN PERJUANGAN” halaman 246-297.
